In these days, posters are hanging in shopping malls and on thoroughfares again, where politicians are vying for the favour of voters. But their names and faces are familiar at best to a very small minority of German citizens. With the exception of EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, even the so-called lead candidates of the parties are likely unknown to most people. Not by chance, the German news programme „Tagesschau“ recently titled the report on the appointment of the lead candidate of the Social Democrats for the European elections, Luxembourg's Nicolas Schmit, as „Nicolas who?“

There may be many reasons why the interest of German citizens in the European Parliament is limited. One particularly significant reason might be that the majority of people find the rules of European legislation about as foreign as the rules of cricket. Unfortunately, this unfamiliarity leads to a misunderstanding of the political role of this specific European body. To many, the European Parliament is seen as weak and insignificant. This is a fatal underestimation. Because the legislative power and, above all, the legislative practice have changed significantly in recent years. Through the Lisbon Treaty, members of the parliament have a significant say in planning EU finances. Also, the number of policy areas in which the European Parliament must be involved has been significantly expanded. The EU Court of Justice has also ensured that the European Parliament has a say in decisions such as the location of the future EU Anti-Money Laundering Agency.

To avoid misunderstandings: The European Parliament still lacks competencies that are customary in national parliamentary houses. However, the EU is a union of states, not a federal state with sovereignty.

The EU Parliament's increased self-confidence is reflected in the fact that it is increasingly pushing the EU Commission in front of it. While members of parliament still do not have the right to introduce draft laws, they succeed in getting the EU Commission to launch proposals. For example, the multibillion-dollar Next Generation fund, which allows for joint loans at the European level, was significantly initiated by the European Parliament through resolutions. In recent years, the European Parliament has emancipated itself not only from the European Commission but also from the European Council. Diplomats and members of parliament in Brussels unanimously report that members of the European Parliament regularly enforce demands against the member states in the final negotiations of laws, the so-called trialogue.

It is all the more astonishing why the election of members of parliament is accompanied by a certain indifference by many German citizens. After all, it is an election that has significant implications for them. That said, the concern about high gains for right-wing parties has recently led to the European Parliament election receiving more attention in public debate – not least because of the loud engagement of banks and savings banks or companies, which openly campaign for people to vote. In many cases, the driving factor is the fear that a stronger shift to the right in the EU could make foreign investors rethink the attractiveness of the European location.

This fear is quite justified. And not only because corporations could become more reluctant to send employees out of fear of xenophobia. But also out of concern for political stability. Even if the far right in the European Parliament cannot organize majorities, their strengthening would have the effect of significantly impairing the decision-making ability of the European Parliament. Ten years ago, the interaction of two parties, Christian and Social Democrats, was sufficient to pass laws. After the European elections in June, according to current forecasts, coalitions of at least four party families could be needed.